Benjamin Ira Levy, PhD

Research Fellow, Global Center for Climate Justice

Lecturer, Northeastern University and Emerson College

About Me:

I am a sociologist, ethnographer, and lecturer who is currently teaching at Northeastern University and at the Marlboro Institute for the Liberal Arts at Emerson College. I have additional responsibilities as a research fellow at the Global Center for Climate Justice, where I am pursuing community-based advocacy work for Green New Deal legislation in Boston, Massachusetts. My academic research foregrounds the contentious politics of unconventional energy development in the Pacific Northwest, with an emphasis on how Native-led movements for environmental justice oppose the region’s natural gas infrastructure.  My research has been  published in numerous peer-reviewed journals, including Capitalism, Nature, Socialism and Interface. In addition, I have received several awards for my undergraduate teaching, including Northeastern University's Sociology & Anthropology Department Teaching Award. 

Research and Teaching Interests: 

Environmental Racism in the Pacific Northwest; Indigenous-Led Struggles against Urban Energy Infrastructure; Climate and Environmental Justice Movements; Unconventional Energy Development; The International Political Economy of Natural Gas; Marxist Theories of Ideology and the State; Critical  and Anti-Oppressive Pedagogies

Land Acknowledgement:

I acknowledge that my teaching and research occurs on the ancestral land of the Massachuset Tribe. In addition, I would like to thank activists, elders, and councilmembers of the Puyallup Indian Tribe for supporting my research on their land in Tacoma, Washington. The siting of hazardous fossil fuel infrastructure violates the Tribe’s fishing rights and political sovereignty as stipulated by the 1854 Treaty of Medicine Creek. I hope that my research and teaching efforts inspire the settler-colonial population into supporting Native-led movements for environmental justice.

Curriculum Vitae

Curriculum Vitae for Website.docx

Research Summary

Activists call it the ‘Thin Green Line.’ As Asian economic growth has increased that region’s demand for North American fossil fuel exports – and as unconventional extraction methods have enabled U.S. and Canadian firms to meet this demand with increased supply – corporations have increasingly turned to the Pacific Northwest in their efforts to process and export petrochemicals. If constructed, the region's proposed energy infrastructure would release 822 million metric tons of carbon dioxide every year, which approximates the CO2 output of five Keystone XL pipelines. As a result, Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia have become pivotal fronts in the war against climate change and environmental racism. The Thin Green Line denotes these centers of unconventional energy development, which must avoid further polluting infrastructure if humanity is to avert climatological disaster.

My research explores the various corporate, state, and social movement actors who participate in the Thin Green Line's contentious politics. In the context of my dissertation, this analytical project has entailed a case study of Tacoma LNG, which is a natural gas refinery that was recently constructed in Tacoma, Washington. When Tacoma LNG is finally operational, it will receive natural gas through the region's pipeline infrastructure; will cool this gas until it becomes a condensed liquid; and will store the resulting liquefied natural gas (LNG) for distribution as a residential heat source or maritime shipping fuel. A private utility company named Puget Sound Energy (PSE) started building this refinery in 2016 despite lacking the necessary permits. Following a defective environmental review process that systematically dismissed public concerns, the Puget Sound Clean Air Agency granted Tacoma LNG its final air quality permit in December 2019. By this time, PSE had nearly completed its facility, which is scheduled to begin its operational life in the near future.

Tacoma LNG raises environmental justice concerns given its many fire and pollution hazards, which would disproportionately threaten inmates of a nearby ICE detention center and residents of a local African-American community. PSE also sited Tacoma LNG on the reservation grounds of the Puyallup Indian Tribe, thereby violating the Tribe’s political sovereignty and its treaty-protected fishing rights. As a result of these injustices, young Puyallup activists spearheaded a racially and economically diverse movement to oppose Tacoma LNGs construction. This movement comprised not only Native activists, but also Black racial justice activists; Hispanic immigrants’ rights activists; as well as white and middle-class climate justice activists. Tacoma’s anti-LNG movement was remarkable in its capacity to create broad alliances. Despite this, activists ultimately failed in their goal of halting Tacoma LNG's construction. My dissertation asked – why, despite its many hazards, was Tacoma LNG finally permitted and rendered operational? What structural and agentic variables upheld PSE's agenda despite the vibrancy of Tacoma's anti-LNG movement? I addressed this question by holding open-ended interviews with local activists; by conducting participant observations in the context of Tacoma’s environmentalist community; and by examining archived public hearings and city council meetings.

My dissertation research contributed to existing scholarship both empirically and theoretically. Empirically, it clarified geographies and technologies that often go overlooked in the environmental racism literature. While many scholars have studied the consequences of hydraulic fracturing in Eastern states like Pennsylvania, only a minority have assessed struggles over unconventional energy development in the Pacific Northwest. Of these, even fewer have examined Indigenous-led opposition to the region’s LNG infrastructure. Theoretically, my dissertation addressed recent scholarship that problematizes the capitalist state and its tendency to perpetuate environmental racism. In particular, I placed this body of work in conversation with Marxist theorists like Antonio Gramsci and Nicos Poulantzas, who argued that capitalist states function to secure capital’s ideological hegemony. The municipal governments and regulatory agencies implicated in Tacoma LNG's permitting process constitute state institutions. As such, I contend that Marxist theories can reveal how such institutions perpetuate fossil fuel capital’s ideological supremacy by downplaying the hazards of unconventional energy infrastructure, thereby identifying corporate interests with the public good.

I have composed my dissertation in the form of four articles. The first uses Marxist state theory to critique the biases of Tacoma LNG’s environmental impact assessment, which systematically excluded racially marginalized groups that possessed an interest in challenging the facility’s approval. In particular, I contend that existing policies and regulatory discourses enabled Tacoma’s permitting officials – many of them funded by Puget Sound Energy – to overlook Tacoma LNG's risks. These structural mechanisms upheld the hegemony of fossil fuel capital by eliding contradictions between Puget Sound Energy’s interests and those of the broader public. This article has been accepted by the journal Capitalism, Nature, Socialism. In my second article, I examine the collective action frames that Tacoma LNG’s supporters deployed as a means of countering popular resistance. Rather than opposing the framing strategies of Tacoma's anti-LNG movement, local elites instead co-opted activists' discourses of racial, climate, and environmental justice in order to establish the refinery's legitimacy. Such a strategy was highly effective given the progressive social and environmental values that characterize Tacoma. I have submitted this article to Interface.

My third article investigates the strategies that corporate actors used when trying to generate policy coherence among the many institutional scales responsible for Tacoma LNG’s permitting process. Although regulatory institutions at the local, regional, and national scales each had distinct and often contradictory agendas, Puget Sound Energy and its allies were able to unify these institutions around a series of regulatory decisions that secured Tacoma LNG its requisite permits. I will submit this article to Antipode by February 2024. In my fourth article, I use social movement framing theory to analyze the discursive strategies of Tacoma’s anti-LNG movement. In particular, I argue that activists unified their diverse coalition by deploying a shared set of anti-corporate discourses. These discourses attributed Tacoma LNG's many injustices to the joint class interests of fossil fuel capital. By emphasizing a common structural cause for their diverse grievances, activists' framing strategies helped them to overcome many of the class and racial divides that have traditionally beset movements for environmental justice. I will submit this article to Social Movement Studies by April 2024.

I will expand my graduate research into a book that explores the Thin Green Line's contentious politics regarding unconventional energy development. Part of this project will involve a case study of the Partnership for Energy Progress. Based in Seattle, the Partnership is a coalition of energy corporations that defend Washington's gas industry from political challenges. Recently, the Partnership overturned a key pillar of Seattle's Green New Deal, which would have banned gas hookups in future buildings constructed within city limits. The Partnership accomplished this task through a public relations campaign that advertised the social and environmental benefits of natural gas to the city’s white, liberal, middle-class voters. My research on the Partnership will ask: how do energy corporations mobilize discourses of racial, climate, and environmental justice in order to defend urban energy infrastructure? And how has the city's activist community attempted to counter such discourses by associating natural gas capital with climate change and environmental racism? To address this question, I will conduct open-ended interviews that leverage my existing contacts in Seattle. I will also use discourse analysis to critique the content of local newspaper articles, public forums, and city council meetings. I plan on funding this research with the Stronger Democracy Award; with a Bullitt Foundation grant; as well as with financial support from the Center for Political Ecology and the Global Center for Climate Justice.

Publications

Published

Accepted for Publication

Under Review

In Preparation


Teaching Philosophy

During my past thirteen years as a course instructor, I have devoted myself to critical and anti-oppressive pedagogies that promote student engagement. To this end, I have drawn on the work of educational theorists like Paulo Freire and bell hooks, who argued that teachers should promote critical learning environments where students apply academic concepts to their everyday lives. Both Freire and hooks acknowledged the difficulties associated with such pedagogies, which require students to overcome many of the anxieties that have traditionally foreclosed classroom participation. Indeed, when students participate in class, they often place themselves in positions of severe vulnerability. They might fear judgment by their peers, or they might think their opinions hold little value. For this reason, hooks argued that critical pedagogies require an educational environment where teachers and students recognize each other as creative subjects whose voices possess innate value. For this reason, my teaching has entailed a constant effort to recognize students' diverse experiences and to demonstrate how these experiences are sociologically relevant.

Historically, I have used a variety of pedagogical tools to facilitate my students’ practical use of academic concepts. For instance, I frequently split my classes up into small discussion groups that comprise between 5-6 students. Often, I ask these groups to physically embody course concepts. This was the case during my first teaching assignment – a course entitled Class, Power & Social Change – where I asked students to perform skits that exemplified the weekly topic of patriarchy. Students used these skits as opportunities to perform such everyday social processes as ‘mansplaining’ and ‘manspreading.’ Each group performed their skits in front of the class, which then analyzed the performances in order to identify common expressions of hegemonic masculinity. I further realize my pedagogical goals by amplifying subaltern voices in my syllabi. In doing so, I teach ‘dead white men’ like Marx and Weber with an eye to how these authors have been critiqued by later feminist and anti-racist theorists. Thus, in my course Cultural Constructions of Identity, I taught Marxist epistemology in conjunction with feminist standpoint theories. Such theories extend Marx’s emphasis on a working-class standpoint by exploring the distinct epistemic standpoints of women. My course then challenged both Marxist and feminist standpoint theories by discussing the intersectional scholarship of Patricia Hill Collins, which complicates the notion of a universal standpoint predicated on either class or gender. By foregrounding subaltern critiques of academic theory, my syllabi enable students from historically marginalized groups to discover the relevance that class material holds in relation to their personal experiences, which often depart from the white, male, settler-colonial perspectives that dominate much sociological scholarship.

As a community-engaged ethnographer, I also foster social criticism by granting students the chance to apply social-scientific methods to their everyday lives. This strategy was evident in my course Ethnographic Field Experience, which culminated in a semester-long ethnographic project that required students to interrogate their personal experiences of inequality through interviews and independent fieldwork. The resulting ethnographies investigated such topics as the gentrification of Boston’s neighborhoods, the patriarchal gatekeeping affiliated with football culture, and the ways in which racialized social norms inhibit Black participation in musical theater. Nor has my use of critical pedagogy been limited to smaller, upper-level coursework. Indeed, I have also emphasized the practical implications of academic theory in larger, introductory courses like Global Markets & Local Culture. This fifty-student course asked students to interview their friends and relatives with the goal of demonstrating how processes like structural adjustment, neoliberal development, and global financial crises have shaped their family histories. By using such pedagogical tools, I aim to convince students that their personal experiences hold sociological relevance while possessing a powerful ability to inform social change.

Teaching Experience and Awards

TEACHING EXPERIENCE

Northeastern University              

Instructor of Record               

SOCL 4522: Environmental Justice (Summer, 2023; Summer, 2024)

SOCL 1101: Introduction to Sociology (Spring, 2023; Fall, 2023; Spring, 2024; Summer, 2024)

SOCL 1246: Environment & Society (Summer, 2022; Fall, 2024)

ANTH 2305: Global Markets & Local Culture (Summer, 2020; Spring, 2022; Fall, 2022; Spring, 2024)

ANTH 3410: Ethnographic Field Experience (Fall, 2021)

SOCL 2268: Social Movements (Fall, 2019)

SOCL 2450: Class, Power, & Social Change (Spring, 2019)

Emerson College

Instructor of Record

IN 152: Cultural Constructions of Identity (Fall, 2022; Fall, 2023; Spring, 2024)

Northeastern University              

Teaching Assistant      

ABRD 5113: International Study – Power, Society & Environment in Rome (Summer, 2019; Summer, 2022; Summer, 2023)

SOCL 4528: Computers & Society (Fall, 2018)

ANTH 2305: Global Markets & Local Culture (Spring, 2018)

SOCL 1101: Introduction to Sociology (Fall, 2016; Spring, 2017; Fall, 2020)

SOCL 1246: Environment & Society (Spring, 2016; Fall, 2017; Spring, 2021)

INTL 1101: Globalization & International Affairs (Fall, 2015)

ANTH 4500: Latin American Society & Development (Spring, 2015)

ANTH 2302: Gender & Sexuality (Fall, 2014)

Tufts University                       Teaching Assistant

SOCL 0103: Sociological Theory (Spring, 2020)

SOCL 0050: Globalization & Social Change (Spring, 2020)  

Simon Fraser University

Teaching Assistant                       SA 255: Social Research (Summer, 2013)

SA 337: Sexuality & Society (Fall, 2012)

SA 150: Introduction to Sociology (Spring, 2012; Spring, 2013)

SA 302: Global Problems & the Culture of Capitalism (Fall, 2011)

TEACHING AWARDS

Department of Sociology & Anthropology Teaching Award       Received 05/2021




TEACHING EXPERIENCE

Northeastern University              

Instructor of Record               

SOCL 4522: Environmental Justice (Summer, 2023; Summer, 2024)

SOCL 1101: Introduction to Sociology (Spring, 2023; Fall, 2023; Spring, 2024; Summer, 2024)

SOCL 1246: Environment & Society (Summer, 2022; Fall, 2024)

ANTH 2305: Global Markets & Local Culture (Summer, 2020; Spring, 2022; Fall, 2022; Spring, 2024)

ANTH 3410: Ethnographic Field Experience (Fall, 2021)

SOCL 2268: Social Movements (Fall, 2019)

SOCL 2450: Class, Power, & Social Change (Spring, 2019)

Emerson College

Instructor of Record

IN 152: Cultural Constructions of Identity (Fall, 2022; Fall, 2023; Spring, 2024)

Northeastern University              

Teaching Assistant      

ABRD 5113: International Study – Power, Society & Environment in Rome (Summer, 2019; Summer, 2022; Summer, 2023)

SOCL 4528: Computers & Society (Fall, 2018)

ANTH 2305: Global Markets & Local Culture (Spring, 2018)

SOCL 1101: Introduction to Sociology (Fall, 2016; Spring, 2017; Fall, 2020)

SOCL 1246: Environment & Society (Spring, 2016; Fall, 2017; Spring, 2021)

INTL 1101: Globalization & International Affairs (Fall, 2015)

ANTH 4500: Latin American Society & Development (Spring, 2015)

ANTH 2302: Gender & Sexuality (Fall, 2014)

Tufts University                       Teaching Assistant

SOCL 0103: Sociological Theory (Spring, 2020)

SOCL 0050: Globalization & Social Change (Spring, 2020)  

Simon Fraser University

Teaching Assistant                       SA 255: Social Research (Summer, 2013)

SA 337: Sexuality & Society (Fall, 2012)

SA 150: Introduction to Sociology (Spring, 2012; Spring, 2013)

SA 302: Global Problems & the Culture of Capitalism (Fall, 2011)

TEACHING AWARDS

Department of Sociology & Anthropology Teaching Award       Received 05/2021

Table of Quantitative Student Feedback

4. Table of Quantitative Student Feedback

Examples of Qualitative Student Feedback

IN 152: Cultural Constructions of Identity (Fall, 2023):


SOCL 1101: Introduction to Sociology (Fall, 2023)

SOCL 4522: Environmental Justice (Summer, 2023)

SOCL 1101: Introduction to Sociology (Spring, 2023):


ANTH 2305: Global Markets & Local Culture (Fall, 2022):


IN 152: Cultural Constructions of Identity (Fall, 2022):


SOCL 1246: Environment and Society (Summer, 2022):


ANTH 2305: Global Markets & Local Culture (Spring, 2022):


ANTH 3410: Ethnographic Field Experience (Fall, 2021):


ANTH 2305: Global Markets & Local Culture (Summer, 2020): 


SOCL 2268: Social Movements (Fall, 2019):


SOCL 2450: Class, Power, & Social Change (Spring, 2019):

Rate My Professor Reviews

RateMyProfessors.com Northeastern Website: https://www.ratemyprofessors.com/professor/2478921


RateMyProfessors.com Emerson Website: https://www.ratemyprofessors.com/professor/2872169


Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Statement

As a white cis-man, I acknowledge that my race-, class-, and gender-privilege has a tendency to conceal the unique obstacles faced by historically marginalized groups. As such, I strive to mindfully uphold the values of equity, diversity, and inclusivity in both my research and pedagogy. While this is certainly true of my teaching - see the above teaching statement for reference - it is no less true of my research, which is rooted in anti-oppressive methodologies and which seeks to redress systemic inequalities that beset North American society. For instance, as a master’s student at Simon Fraser University, I became an activist, organizer, and facilitator for Occupy Vancouver: Vancouver, British Columbia’s local manifestation of the Occupy Wall Street movement. I quickly noticed that activists who dominated the movement’s general assemblies disproportionately shared my own identity as white, cis-male, and college-educated settlers. Out of a desire to understand this problematic tendency, I developed my master’s thesis into an ethnography that critiqued the communicative norms of Occupy Vancouver’s consensus-based decision-making process.

Drawing on my experiences as a facilitator for Occupy Vancouver, my thesis investigated how institutions like patriarchy, white supremacy, and settler colonialism intersected with the Occupy movement's formally-egalitarian general assemblies. Much of my research data derived from interviews with members of Occupy Vancouver’s Native, women's, LGBTQIA+, and houseless people's caucuses. I also made extensive use of feminist and Indigenous epistemologies, as these helped me to expand my own ethnographic positionality in ways that clarified the concerns of marginalized activists. Using these conceptual frameworks, I concluded that white, college-educated men often moderated the Occupy movement's general assemblies in ways that privileged our own identities and modes of social interaction. Due to this exclusionary structure, Occupy Vancouver’s deliberative process often silenced those who communicated in ways that deviated from the white, male, settler ideal.

I continued my scholarly commitment to diversity, equity, and inclusion as a doctoral student at Northeastern University. For instance, in 2015, the Northeastern administration stipulated that university police could begin wielding assault rifles on campus grounds. Many students of color argued that this policy would prevent Black, Hispanic, and other racially marginalized community members from feeling safe within university boundaries. In addition, students feared the consequences of racist violence on the part of police officers carrying automatic weapons. To address these issues, I interviewed African-American faculty and members of Northeastern’s Black Student Association, who shared their suggestions regarding how Northeastern might create a safer system of campus policing. This research formed the basis for a document that I submitted to the university with the intention of sharing community concerns regarding the new policy and its exclusionary consequences.

More recently, for my dissertation, I used ethnographic and community-engaged methods to examine an Indigenous-led movement against liquefied natural gas infrastructure in Tacoma, Washington (see cover letter). To this end, I conducted fieldwork and open-ended interviews with Hispanic immigrants’ rights activists; with Black racial justice activists; and with elders, councilmembers, and youth activists affiliated with the Puyallup Indian Tribe. I gathered my ethnographic data not only as an academic researcher, but also as a public sociologist with a stated interest in facilitating the movement’s strategic goals. Throughout, my dissertation sought to amplify the voices and concerns of Tacoma’s communities of color, which are systematically excluded from the regulatory processes that permit fossil fuel infrastructure. These moments of critical ethnographic research have solidified my commitment not only to diversity, equity, and inclusion, but also to anti-oppressive research practices more broadly.

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